# Çështja kombëtare > Historia shqiptare >  Prejardhja e goranëve

## FlashMx

Une jam Kuksian.
Ketu ne Kukes gjenden banore te quajtur "Goran" .
A ka ndonjeri njohuri se nga e kane prejardhjen ky popull?

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## Faik

Por deri sa e di une Goranet jane Sllave Bullgaro-Maqedonas ka edhe gorane ne rrethin e dibres dhe pogradecit nuk jane me prejardhje Shqiptare..

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## dodoni

Ka goranë edhe në Dardani, por janë shqiptarë dhe këta në momentin e fundit i pat shpëtuar pa asimiluar një nga ish-funksionarët e Dardanisë i quajtur Ilaz Kurteshi (i cili poashtu ka qenë goranë), prandaj mos ja futni kot. 

Përshëndetje 
Rrofshin Shqiptarët (Arbëreshët, Ilirët) e Bashkuar dhe 
Shqipëria (Arbëria, Iliria) e Bashkuar

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## iliria e para

Goranet jane nje grup njerzish qe jetojne ne nje "xhep" pertej Prizreni qe quhet Gora. Keta jane me origjine shqiptare por me "ndihmen" e UDB-se filluan te flasin sllavisht.Tashti pervec nje numri te vogel ne krye me Ilaz Kurteshin nuk din as vet ata se cka jane.

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## dodoni

Ata janë shqiptar dhe pse kanë dashur shkitë ti asimilojnë kjo si bën ata shki prandaj duhet pasur kujdes kur flasim për këso çështje sepse nuk kemi njerëz për të humbur.

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## FlashMx

Ore mos i beni edhe goranet Shqipetare se s`ka lezet.
Ata nuk jane shqiptare dhe kurre s`do te jene.Ata jane maqedonas ose boshnjak ose kaukazian te ardhur tek
ne.
FlashMx

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## Faik

Po. edhe une keshtu kam lexuar flash
po???

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## Shën Albani

Goranet duhet te jene shqiptare te sllavizuar...

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## "Ambrida"

une kam qene ne nje shtepi gora

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## "Ambrida"

gorane,dhe ne familje flisnin maqedonisht

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## shendelli

Radio Free Europe

24-08-99

Yugoslavia: Beatings Of Gorans Heighten Ethnic Tensions

By Jolyon Naegele

There is wide knowledge of the harsh treatment facing Serbs and Roma in Kosovo. But RFE/RL's Jolyon Naegele visits the southwestern Gora region and reports that the local Goran minority is also facing harsh treatment at the hands of ethnic Albanians. He files this report from the district capital, Dragash.

Dragash, Kosovo; 24 August 1999 (RFE/RL) -- Gora is one of the least populated and most inaccessible districts in Kosovo. The area encompasses a cluster of mountains and steep valleys wedged between Albania and Macedonia that are home to two ethnic groups -- the Albanians and the Gorans. 

The Gorans are a small minority who, according to the last census in 1991, numbered about 20,000 in Gora and a further 25,000 elsewhere in the former Yugoslavia. They speak a transitional Serbo-Macedonian dialect and were largely converted to Islam from Orthodoxy in the early 18th century. The Gorans have their own customs and traditions, but share some folk customs with their Albanian neighbors.

At the outset of the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia last March, Serbian authorities launched a selective campaign of expulsions and retentions. In the local Albanian villages, mainly in the northern parts of Dragash district, Serbian forces expelled all the Albanians on March 30, giving them 30 minutes to pack and leave. The Serbs forced most of the Gorans to stay by issuing their men mobilization orders.

But some Gorans also went to Belgrade to demonstrate against NATO air strikes and in support of the regime of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. This did not endear them to their Albanian neighbors in exile in Macedonia and Albania.

The Turkish KFOR commander in Dragash, Izzet Cetingoz, says that when his forces arrived in the district, anger among ethnic Albanians toward the Gorans was pronounced.

"When we arrived here more than one month ago it was said among the [Albanians] that some of the Gorans had supported the Serb military here during the war. They alleged that some of them had taken part with the Serb paramilitary forces in their activities. ....There was a very strong repression against these people and the Albanians were saying that the Gorans were all Serb collaborators and were putting a lot of pressure on them. We managed to stop this repression and bring these two groups together and start a dialog."

Cetingoz notes that the Gorans insist they are innocent of any collaboration with the Serbs or wrongdoing against the Albanians. He says the Albanians should accept that whatever crimes were committed were individual rather than collective.

A Gora intellectual, speaking to RFE/RL on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, says there is no evidence that Gorans killed, raped or burned down anyone's house during the war.

German KFOR troops, who control southwestern Kosovo, gave the Dragash district low priority on the grounds that ethnic relations, though difficult, were nowhere near as tense as elsewhere in the German zone such as in Prizren, Suva Reka, and Orahovac. Several weeks after KFOR began moving into Kosovo in June, Turkish KFOR troops were deployed in Dragash. A German KFOR spokesman in Prizren told RFE/RL over the weekend that all minorities in Kosovo regardless of their size are under pressure to leave the province. The spokesman says the ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) appears to be building up pressure to create an ethnically pure Albanian Kosovo -- first by chasing out the Serbs and Roma and subsequently the Turks and Gora.

As a result, the area has experienced what Gora residents say were several dozen ethnically-based incidents. These included redistribution in Dragash of Goran-owned apartments in one building to Albanian families. Many Gorans have emigrated this year to other parts of Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Italy, and Austria. The outflow began the day the air strikes started on March 24 but turned into a flood after the fighting ended. More than half the estimated 20,000 Gorans in Gora have left. The massive outflow is caused by economic as well as security reasons. Most Gorans are now unemployed.

The Goran intellectual says he will not flee and would prefer to share a common life with Kosovo's Serbs and Albanians. But his bloodshot eyes and tense face all betray his fear of what lies ahead. He and other remaining Gorans say they are not satisfied with how they are being protected by KFOR. In his words, German KFOR troops sit in bars in Dragash and Prizren and ridicule how their French counterparts in Mitrovica are unable to resolve the Serb-Albanian divisions in Mitrovica in northern Kosovo while they themselves are failing to prevent ethnic harassment in their own zone.

As in many other parts of Kosovo, UN police have been slow in taking up their duties in Gora. Although 50 UN police officers are supposed to be patrolling Gora, only one has arrived so far. Last Friday was market day in Dragash. A number of Albanians dressed all in black descended on the town from nearby villages and in the course of the day beat up some seven Gorans. 

One UN official, speaking on condition of anonymity, says the UCK organized Friday's assaults in Dragash, sending people into bars and shops to stir up trouble by accusing Gorans of being "paramilitaries" or of having collaborated with the Serbs. Turkish KFOR troops intervened in at least two instances, questioning but releasing those involved and telling them not to return to Dragash. However, at UN insistence Turkish soldiers detained four men -- two Albanians and two Gorans and took them for further questioning. The UN and KFOR called a meeting that evening with ethnic Albanian and Goran representatives in a bid to cool tensions and asked the UCK to keep its men out of Dragash.

The UCK rejects the allegations made by UN staffers. A local UCK spokesman, squad commander Ymredin Halimi, tells RFE/RL that Friday's incidents were between civilians and had nothing to do with the UCK. But asked what reassurance the UCK can offer the Gorans, Halimi says the Gorans must decide their own fate: "We lived together with the Gorans for centuries. But they did not flee with us when we fled. We were pushed to flee from our homes. But they remained and supported the Serb regime."

Some UN officials criticize the Turkish KFOR soldiers in Dragash for failing to stop many incidents or crack down on crime. As with most other KFOR units throughout Kosovo, the Turkish battalion lacks police training to deal with such incidents. But the UN officials say that had the Turkish soldiers not been present in Dragash on Friday the violence would have been far worse. As one UN official put it, international forces must quickly provide better security for minorities. Otherwise, he says, "more terror will come." 

24-08-99, 1999 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc., All Rights Reserved.

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## shendelli

Këshilli për Mbrojtjen e të Drejtave
e të Lirive të Njeriut - Prishtinë


 Council for Defence of Human Rights
and Freedom - Prishtina




Press Release #6 
Dragash municipality and the Goran Community


Demographics of Dragash 
Dragash municipality is the southernmost municipality of Kosova. Gorans, a population of Slavic Muslims, and Albanians inhabit the region. Around 40 villages comprise Dragash municipality with an even split of Goran villages in the southern half of the municipality and Albanian villages in the northern part of the municipality. The villages are ethnically homogeneous except for the political center of Dragash town, which is split between Albanians and Gorans. Currently, the Gorans make up one third of the municipality with a population of 12,000. Actual population figures of Gorans may be far less, as many people travel to other parts of the former Yugoslavia where they work seasonally or own shops. The Albanian community constitutes the remaining two-thirds of the population. These 27,000 inhabitants live exclusively in the Opoje region, in the northern half of Dragash municipality. 



Gorans of Dragash 
Theories of Goran origin 
The origins of the Goran community are unknown although that does not prevent the formation of theories. The Goran name, derived from the mountainous terrain in which the Gora people inhabit, means highlander, and it appears that the community has inhabited the mountainous region in Kosova for centuries. One theory suggests that the Gorans were Orthodox-Christian Slavs who came from Bulgaria in the 13th century, migrating across the former Yugoslavia to Bosnia. The deposit of settlers in southern Kosova, therefore, would be more closely linked to Bosnians than Serbs. 



Relationships with their neighbors 
Historically, Gorans have had quite amiable relationships with their Albanian neighbors. A common religion united Gorans and Albanians under the Ottoman Empire where they fought against the Serbs in 1912 during the Balkan Wars. Many people immigrated to Turkey and Bosnia after the war. With the Serb re-entry into political life and the adoption of Cyrllic and Serbo-Croatian, changes slowly began to take place. Although Gorans and Serbs were linguistically tied, the relationship between the two communities has been complicated. During the early 1990s, demonstrations of the Bosniak party met with Serb police and paramilitary resistance. One Goran youth reported that Serb police closely watched the rally with guns at side. The association of Gorans with the Bosniak party created camaraderie between Albanians and Gorans, both of whom were outsiderts to the Serb regime. 



With the ten years of Albanian ousting from existing structures, a period of rifts began between Albanians and Gorans. While Albanians were dismissed from their posts, Gorans were given lucrative positions. In an economically impoverished region such as Dragash, the separation created a clear economic divide. With no opportunities locally, Albanians from the Opoje region began traveling to the West to seek employment opportunities as gasterbeiters, or guestworkers. Salaries were sent back to Opoje to support their families providing one of the few means of income. On the other hand, many Gorans worked in the municipal structures such as the government, hospital and schools. 



Other Concentrations of Gorans 
The Goran community is remarkable for the way it has retained and integrated its identity. The community borders Macedonia to the west and Albania to the east. While a concentration of Goran villages exist in southern Kosova, there are also villages in both Macedonia and Albania. Some 180 families from Gora are said to be in Macedonia. Additionally, Gorans live in Serbia and other parts of the former Yugoslavia. Skender Zejbek of the Goran Association in Belgrade estimates the number to be much higher at 8,000 to 10,000. The Humanitarian Law Center estimates that somewhere between 5,000 6,000 Gorans live in Belgrade. Gorans, however, live all over the former Yugoslavia owning small sweet shops for which they are famed. 



Language 
While the language has structural similarities with other Slavic languages, the formation is much more primitive. There is no written form of the Goran language including dictionaries or other language learning material. The Goran language is a mixture of Macedonian, Bulgarian, Turkish, Bosnian and Serbian.  The amalgamation of languages is explained by one theory of Goran origin that linguistically connects them with Bulgarians who immigrated to Macedonia, Gora and to Bosnia. For 500 years, the Ottoman Empire ruled the region from which the Gorans adopted the Islamic faith. Because of the Turkish influence, some of the villages, like Brod, retained quite a bit of Turkish language. 


National Identity 
As with any minority group, the Goran community has undergone quite a bit of transformation. Yugoslavia categorized Gorans as non-Slavs before World War II probably because of their ties to the Islamic faith. The lasting imprint of Ottoman rule influenced how the population identified itself. Over time, however, the community identified itself less and less with the Turks (see chart). Post-WWII, Goran names became Albanianised. Census data from 1971 and 1981, however, has Gorans identified as ethnic Muslims, like Bosnians. But Macedonians claimed Gorans were a part of the Macedonian ethnic group, the Torbei.  On the other hand, some Kosovar Albanian media outlets now identify Gorans as Bosnians. The question of identity is one that continues to splinter the Goran community. 



Chart 1 

Former Yugoslavia - Census Data 
 Percentage of Gora residents identifying as Turkish 

1961 
 45.6% 

1971 
 9.2% 

1981 
 1% 

1991 
 - 


Source: OSCE Dragash 



Goran activities during NATO bombing 
During the NATO bombing, Albanians living in the northern half of Dragash and Dragash town fled Kosova. The Goran community, however, remained. Although there are some reports of looting in the Opoje region, it is unclear who was responsible as Serb police and paramilitary had a presence in the area; there is no evidence that Gorans looted. Additionally, some 2,200 Gorans were mobilized, either forcibly or willingly, into the Serbian army, according to the Humanitarian Law Center in Prizren. One Goran village representative said, Albanians thought we were on the Serb side, but we were forced to be in the army reserves which caused problems.  They (Albanians) dont associate us with uniforms, but they dont see us as brothers. Still, there is no objective statement saying Gorans were involved in paramilitaries, and there are no accusations that anyone was involved in the atrocities, according to the OSCE Dragash.  Although Arkans paramilitary is also reported to have been active in the area, no Gorans were known to be members. 



KFOR arrival 
When KFOR entered Kosova in summer 1999, Albanians misled German KFOR to believe that Dragash was a homogenous region so needed little additional security. Before Gorans informed the Prizren office about the existing of an ethnic minority in the region, Gorans were the victims of looting and harassment. Turkish KFOR was assigned to Dragash after the incident. While security remains to be a salient issue, Gorans have a positive relationship with the KFOR presence. 



Political Parties 
Gorans in Dragash identify with a number of parties. Before the war, some Gorans identified with the Party of Democratic Action, SDA, also known as the Bosniak party. Others favored the parties from Belgrade  either the opposition, the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) or Milosevics Socialist Party of Serbia. Before the war, the SDA had one seat in the municipal structures. After the 5 October, changes in Belgrade connections with Serbian political parties have waned. During the demonstrations in Serbia, some Gora residents feared reprisal against their community. The fear stems from the fact that Gorans are also outsiders in Serbia proper because of their faith, a difference which could endanger family members in Belgrade. Prior to the Kosova municipal elections, a new party was formed called the Citizens Initiative of Gora or GIG. Its founder was a former leader in the SDA who decided to begin a new party with the help of OSCE. Barely a month before elections, the party was formed to help unite the factions of the Goran community and ensure some representation in the municipal assembly for those not aligned with the SDA. 



Municipal Representation 
Following the end of the NATO bombing, Hashim Thaçi installed municipal leaders across Kosova. Early in 2000, this body was incorporated into the UNMIK structures with Gorans holding five of the 16 seats in the municipal council. In the administrative board, however, only one directorate was granted to the LDK and none to Gorans. A Goran, however, was granted a post as vice-president of the administrative board. Following the elections a more accurate balance of the political party and ethnic representation in government structures was achieved. In the Kosova municipal elections, Gorans gained five seats on the 21-seat municipal assembly. In the municipality, the GIG party gained 11.9% of the votes, securing three seats in the municipal assembly while the SDA party secured two seats with 11.4% of the votes. The support for GIG may be far larger as many of its members did not register and consequently did not vote in the municipal elections. 



Current Realities and Perceptions of Goran Parties 
The divisions in party lines follow the question of ethnic identity. Villages who supported GIG typically have primary school instruction in Serbian and acknowledge the ties Gorans have with Serbia. They prefer the name Gorans or Gorani and encourage the community to keep their economic and personal relations with Serbia. Villages who voted for the SDA have instruction in Bosnian. The party insists on calling the Goran community Bosnians. An education in Bosnian is not recognized in Serbia proper so for those with a stronger connection to Serbia or are considering emigrating for higher education, completing school officially in Serbian language is important. The SDA is quite critical of the new GIG party claiming that after the creation of the GIG party, Gorans have lost the confidence of Albanians and the SDA cant hold the balance. Other Gorans, however criticize the SDA for keeping close relations with the PDK. Regardless, the relationships the SDA has forged with the PDK has helped to alleviate some harassment of the Goran community. 



While some Kosova Albanians continue to claim that there is a close link between Gorans and Serbia, based on the current climate in Belgrade such criticism is only partially valid. On one level Gorans have familial links and another an economic link with businesses and jobs, but any political link is no longer as viable. The accusations are particularly strong against the GIG party, which is perceived to have members who receive pensions and salaries from Belgrade. But a homogenous political picture of the Goran community is difficult to create. In the municipal elections, some Gorans from the village Restillica voted for the PDK party. One Goran young man joked that the Gorans helped the PDK secure another seat in the municipal assembly. 





Position of Gorans in the Municipal Structures 
The cooperation in the municipal structures is fragile. Gorans now hold to directorates in the municipal board but questions remain on whether they are actually allowed to wield any real power. One UNMIK official said that the positions granted to Gorans were ones where they would be impotent or too scared to take action for fear of harassment. After receiving physical and verbal threats, one Goran directorate resigned saying that it wasnt worth it. One minority party leader emphasized the need for silence in the municipal structure, If someone has threatened us, it shouldnt be pointed out.  The low-level intimidation from one faction of the Albanian community has been felt across ethnic lines. One Albanian party leader said that in the municipal structures we have better relations with Gorans than Albanians. 



Current Human Rights Issues 

Security and Freedom of Movement 
Since the two regions of Dragash are ethnically homogenous, movement within the Gora region has continued without many problems. In the first year, young Albanian men were seen driving through the Gora with national flags provoking fear in some residents. Occasional grenade attacks and bombs were reported, particularly against villages perceived to be loyal to Belgrade. Following these attacks and experiences of harassment in Dragash town, some students, especially females, stopped attending Dragash secondary school. Some Albanian males also attend the Goran tradition of korzo, or evening courting, in Dragash town and nearby villages. While reactions vary, Gorans allow them to remain and do not publicly protest to their presence. 



Both residents of Gora and Opoje region visit Dragash town on Fridays for market day and participate in the municipal structures. However, there have been quite a few bombs targeting Goran residents. Since September 1999, UNMIK police station in Dragash reported 27 bomb attacks. Gorans were the exclusive targets of the serious attacks until July 2000, after which the victims of the attacks are evenly split between Gorans and Albanians. As of April 2001, two Gorans had been killed. In February 2000, an engineer was shot while at work. In an incident this year, a hospital worker died from wounds suffered in a bomb explosion at his home in Dragash town. For a small community, the murder of two citizens has grave consequences on morale and hastens emigration. 



Goran young women, however, complain about the inability to walk freely in Dragash for fear of harassment from young Albanian men. While the issue may be tied in part to ethnic relations, there remains the fact that Dragash municipality tends to be one of the most conservative areas in Kosova where women, in general, lack freedom of movement. Young women usually travel in the company of a male escort, an older woman or with other young women. Because of the poverty in the region, travel is restricted to necessity, but most Gorans feel comfortable traveling to Prizren and Dragash town, although some do take extra precautionary measures. 



Access to Health Care 
In general, Gorans interviewed said that they feel comfortable visiting Dragash town hospital for treatment. Although some do not always feel very safe in Prizren, they do travel to Prizren hospital for medical care. A new medical house has been opened in the Goran village Krushevo and another is scheduled to open soon in the village Brod. Complaints about access relate to the issue of language. In Dragash hospital, signs are written only in Albanian, which Goran clients cannot understand. Some Gorans interviewed said that doctors would speak to them in Goran or Serbian during the visit, but others said they seek out Goran doctors. One man interviewed said he visited Prizren hospital without too much difficulty, but he was made to wait longer than others, which he attributed to his ethnicity. Another Goran man said he would wear his turf, a traditional religious hat, when he journeyed to Prizren so he would not be bothered. 



The hospital employs both Albanians and Gorans as doctors, nurses and in administrative and support positions. Currently, there are 74 Albanians and 32 Gorans working in the hospital. The proportion of staff of each ethnicity reflects the population demographics. After the return of refugees in Kosova, one Goran employee at the hospital reported that he along with 32 other Gorans were forcibly dismissed from the hospital. On the 13 July 1999, he reported that the self-appointed manager said Goran employees had two minutes to leave. He said only a few were allowed to stay. As mentioned earlier, signs are only in Albanian in the hospital. However, information about vaccination, medicine and diseases are in both languages as they are distributed by international organizations. 




 Albanians 
 Gorans 

Doctors 
 11 
 8 

Dentists 
 4 
 4 

Medical technicians/nurses 
 37 
 14 

Administrative, cleaners, drivers 
 10 
 15 


 Source: Dragash hospital 



Access to Education 
Higher education 
The most pressing educational issue for Goran youth is access to higher education. Students who complete school in Dragash town have no access to university in Kosova. Classes are not offered in minority languages at the University of Prishtina. Additionally, an overriding security issue remains for Gorans who wish to study in Prishtina. Those families who can afford it send their children to Serbia proper to pursue higher education. Goran youth who had been attending University of Prishtina before the war now attend school in Serbia proper. The Serbian-speaking faculty of the school of medicine was transferred to Serbia proper after the war where students are continuing their studies. The change of location has meant more travel and more expenses for those who can continue to attend, raising the bar for those Gorans who wish to pursue a medical eduation. 



Secondary school 
There is only one secondary school in Dragash municipality. There are currently 830 students enrolled for the 2000-2001 school year of which 154 students are Goran, similar to figures from the 1999-2000. Initially, out of fear of the new political environment, only a handful of students attended the first day of class. With time, more students attended. Pre-war, however, around 300 Gorans attended the secondary school meaning that current attendance is only half of what it use to be. For the present school year, there were 16 Goran teachers and 42 Albanian teachers. With the constant trickle of families out of Gora, including teachers, the quality of teaching has dropped according to some Goran parents. In the first year after the war, some Goran girls said they stopped attending the secondary school after experiencing harassment, ranging from verbal aggression to physical attacks, from Albanian male students.  In the long term, the combination of low level harassment, poor quality teaching and lack of higher education may have stark effects on young women who would be the first to be removed from schooling if a family is having financial difficulties. Currently, only around 30 of the Goran students in the secondary school are young women. 



Primary schools 
In the primary school, there is a relatively even divide of Albanian and Goran students (see chart below). Including the primary schools in the villages, the number of Goran and Albanian teachers are nearly equal with 28 Goran staff and 29 Albanian staff. The director of the school, who is Albanian, reported that there are no problems in the school. Goran primary school teachers also reported that the school environment has been relatively calm. Classes for students are segregated, but free time activities including music, cultural events and sports are integrated. 




 1999-2000         
 2000-2001 

Albanians        
 362 
 404 

Gorans             
 372 
 357 

Total 
 734 
 761 


Source: Dragash secondary school 



Access to Employment 
The lack of employment in Dragash municipality continues to be a great concern in the Goran community. One Goran village representative said Employment is the most important issue in order to stay in Kosova. If not, we should know so we can go. 

The poverty in the region preceded the current international mission. With little fertile land and mountainous terrain, Dragash lacks possibilities of agricultural development. With the reduction of operations of the Dratex textile factory before the war, one of the largest employers was lost. 



While many Albanians lost their jobs between 1989 and 1999, after the war, many Gorans were either forcibly dismissed or were prevented going to work in the factory, the hospital and other civil jobs due to the precarious security situation. The Civil Rights Project of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), which offers legal aid to refugees, returnees, IDPs and minorities throughout Kosovo, has received some 200 employment cases in Dragash municipality, most of which concern Gorans, since it started offering legal aid in mobile clinics in Dragash in January 2000. Many of these dismissals were illegal, since they took place without taking into account the domestic and international legal guarantees. By mediation and filing complaints in the courts NRC attempts to find effective remedies for unlawfully dismissed employees, including the possibility of reinstatement in employment or compensation for loss of salary. As mentioned, employment is one of the most sensitive areas in Dragash and concerns for clients' safety have slowed down the implementation of responses by NRC. 





Access to Property 
The OSCE reports that Gorans experienced 78 cases of residential evictions in Kosova. In Dragash, there were 22 cases of flat evictions and 1 or 2 cases of house evictions. As far as commercial or business property, the OSCE reports 8 cases of shops or kiosks in Dragash being taken over by Albanians. The OSCE estimates there are a few more cases that have not been reported bringing the total to around 15-20. The Norwegian Refugee Council reported having, thus far, 30 Goran clients file cases related to property, either to occupation of houses or loss of commercial property. The SDA says the number of shops taken is around 200-300, but in its figure the SDA also includes Bosnians who do not have connections with Dragash. 



Summary & Conclusions 
Some level of normalization of relationships between Albanians and Gorans has been possible following the NATO bombing. The initial climate of hostility has given way to a climate more capable of sustaining ethnic stability. The Goran participation in the elections and municipal structures has been a sign of cooperation and the Goran communitys realization of the new power structures in Kosova. Additionally, Goran students have two hours of Albanian instruction a week. According to the school secretary, although the courses are voluntary, all Goran students attend as they did before 1990. Despite these moves of cooperation and accommodation, a persistent level of harassment continues against both Gorans and Albanians from a small group of radical Albanians. Since 1999, one third of the Goran population has left Dragash for a multitude of reasons. The lack of employment and higher education opportunities when coupled with a lack of security has made emigration a continuing problem. 



Important to improving the condition in Dragash is reopening the Dratex factory or finding micro-economic projects that can improve economic development. With the development of economic capacities, ethnic relations can also be ameliorated. Giving people new contexts to cooperate in the work environment can be a positive step towards ethnic cooperation. At the same time, attention should be paid to maintaining ethnic equilibrium in structures like schools, hospitals and municipal bodies. Albanian political parties have been complaining of the disparity in numbers of police officers from each ethnic community. There are 30 Goran police officers and far fewer Albanian police officers. While the difference is based on who enrolled in the police school, some sensitivity should be given to this issue. When Goran officers police in Opoje, they do not know Albanian to communicate to the local population. For a community who has experienced a war quite recently, the use of Serbian or Goran can be uncomfortable or even threatening. Creating an environment where access and employment is fair and equal is an important part of normalizing ethnic relations in Dragash. 



Recommendations: 

·         Encourage economic development in the region with repairs to existing factories and investment into micro-enterprise 

·         Provide opportunities for minority language education within the existing university structure or provide access to surrogate forms of education 

·         Begin prosecution and investigation of ethnically motivated crimes including property disputes so that the current environment of impunity does not pervade and further erode minority confidence in the police and judicial system 

·         Encourage ethnic relations in non-political structures such as the school, workplace or social settings so as to reduce fear of the other community

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## shendelli

Kjo eshte nje teme per Antropologjine dhe jo historine.

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## Zorraxhiu

gorane,dhe ne familje flisnin maqedonisht



Ne vitet 80-ta njefar Nijazi Limanovski i paguar mire nga sllavomaqedonasit u mundua mjaft ti paraqese goranet si maqedon te islamizuar(makedonski muslimani), fort mire e dinte i shkreti se nuk ka as komb maqedonas e as komb musliman dmth falls ne katrore.Gjuhe maqedonase nuk existon ose eshte njesoj sikurse te thuhet se existon gjuha kosovare.Ne shqiptaret i kemi pranuar per shkaqe gjeopolitike dhe tani po i shohim sherrin me se shumti prej te gjitheve.Sa i perket goraneve eshte nje misterie e vertet prejardhja e tyre,mua personalisht fort me perngjajn ne nje grup etnik qe jeton ne Maroko e Algjeri e qe quhen Berber(tiparet dhe karakteristikat e tyre fizike).Ne anen tjeter edhe shqiptaret e Rahovecit deri vone e kane folur gjuhen e njejt me goranet edhe pse eshte vertetuar se ata jane me se shqiptare.

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## shendelli

http://www.osce.org/kosovo/documents...iles/05_DR.pdf

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## shendelli

http://www.osce.org/kosovo/documents...es/maps/05.pdf

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## alibaba

Genetic analysis of indigenousness
In 2005 various South European medical schools and institutions specializing in genetics did an analysis of the variation at 28 Y-chromosome biaUelic markers among a sample of males from throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, relatively equally split among all three major ethnic groups. The most notable find was the high frequency of the "Paleolithic European" halo group (Hg) I; specifically its sub-halo group I-P37. Indicative of Dinarics, the sub-halo group had a frequency of 71% among Bosnian Croats, 44% among Bosniaks, and 31% among Bosnian Serbs. A similar study in Croatia found that Croatian Croats had a frequency of about 45%, but that among them Croats in Dalmatia had a particularly high frequency (around two thirds).

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## Alket123

> Goranet jane nje grup njerzish qe jetojne ne nje "xhep" pertej Prizreni qe quhet Gora. Keta jane me origjine shqiptare por me "ndihmen" e UDB-se filluan te flasin sllavisht.Tashti pervec nje numri te vogel ne krye me Ilaz Kurteshin nuk din as vet ata se cka jane.


nga UDB nga doli kjo teori?
Goranet nuk filluan te flisnin sllavisht nga 1920-1930 kur u krijua UDB.

Kroatet, qe pranojne se jane ilire te sllavizuar, nuk e ndryshuan gjuhen e tyre ne slavike nga UDB.

Goranet mund te kene qene shqiptare, nese i intereson dikujt,sigurisht, ata jane myslymane shumica dhe orthodokse ne fe. Namik Dokle ish-kryetar e parlamentit ne Shqiperi eshte goran, ne Shqiperi nga OSCE vleresohet popullesia gorane ne 1-2%

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## diku_aty

> Une jam Kuksian.
> Ketu ne Kukes gjenden banore te quajtur "Goran" .
> A ka ndonjeri njohuri se nga e kane prejardhjen ky popull?






> Ore mos i beni edhe goranet Shqipetare se s`ka lezet.
> Ata nuk jane shqiptare dhe kurre s`do te jene.Ata jane maqedonas ose boshnjak ose kaukazian te ardhur tek
> ne.
> FlashMx




      Te respektoj qe je kuksjan zoteri pasi dhe une jam kuksjan(Shishtaveci). Me pelqeu nisma jote ketu ne forum qe doje te dije dicka me shume per ne Goranet. Kjo eshte dicka positive pasi dhe antaret e tjere te forumit  qe  jane nga zonat e tjera te Shqiperise dhe qe nuk kane shume informacion per Goranet do te mesonin dicka me shume.

         Te them te drejten u gezova kur lexova postimin tend te parin. Por fatkeqesisht ke bere nje postim te dyte qe nxjerr ne pah QELLIMIN NEGATIV tendin te hapjes se kesaj teme. Me 5 rreshtat qe ti  ke shkruar  ma merr mendja cdo forumist eshte ne gjendje te vleresoje ti si njeri po ashtu dhe per ato qe je munduar te thuash. 

       Une mendoj nese hap nje teme ketu ne forum duhet te jesh njohes shume I mire I problemit qe trajton dhe kjo tek ty fatekeqesisht nuk existon. Pasi si fillim ti nuk tregon se kush jane goranet, ne cilen rrethine e kukesit shtrihen, ca zakonesh dhe traditash kane etc. Dhe me poshte ti nuk je I afte te japesh arsyetimin tend pse goranet nuk jane shqiptare.


      Eshte shume e poshter menyra se njerez si puna jote sjellin percarje dhe urrejtje me shqipetareve. Nje kuksjan kurr sdo e thoshte se goranet sjane shqipetar. Po ti I bie te mos jesh kuksjan po ti jesh bir serbi qe kerkon te sjellesh hipoteza serbe sikur ka serb ne shqiperi. Te te vij turp qe shqiperon ne kete menyre.

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## andi podvorica

Diku Aty , tregona pra se kush jane goranet se une per vete jam nga Kosova dhe te them te verteten i kemi pasur ne qytet timin disa goran te ardhur nga OPOJA e SHARRIT qe mbanin nja dy embeltore ne qytet . Ata flitnin serbisht po emra musliman , pra nga e keni prejardhjen mbasi ti je goran dhe me siguri e di pergjigjen.

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